請(qǐng)讓事實(shí)仲裁
Let the Facts Arbitrate

駐以色列大使 詹永新
Zhan Yongxin, Chinese Ambassador to Israel

最近一段時(shí)間,南海問(wèn)題在國(guó)際輿論中不斷升溫。不少以色列朋友也問(wèn)我,菲律賓為何發(fā)起國(guó)際仲裁?而中國(guó)又為何拒不接受國(guó)際仲裁?這是一個(gè)復(fù)雜的問(wèn)題,我在此陳述一些基本事實(shí)。
Recently, the South China Sea issue is gaining heat in the international media. Some Israeli friends also ask me questions: why do the Philippines sue China on this issue? Why does China reject the international arbitration? Well, that is a long story. I will try to make it short and clear with the basic facts.

我們不妨從南海問(wèn)題的核心——所謂的“領(lǐng)土爭(zhēng)端”說(shuō)起。
Since the core of this issue is the so-called territorial dispute, let’s start from here.

首先,中國(guó)是南海問(wèn)題的實(shí)際受害者。中國(guó)人最早發(fā)現(xiàn)、命名并開發(fā)了南海諸島。歷代中國(guó)政府也通過(guò)行政設(shè)置、軍事巡航、生產(chǎn)經(jīng)營(yíng)、海難救助等方式,持續(xù)對(duì)南海諸島進(jìn)行有效管轄。二戰(zhàn)時(shí)期,日本曾于1939年起一度侵占了部分南海島嶼。戰(zhàn)后,中國(guó)依據(jù)《開羅宣言》和《波茨坦公告》收回了被占島嶼,并通過(guò)正式命名、出版地圖、派兵駐守等形式,從法律和事實(shí)上對(duì)南海諸島行使主權(quán)。上世紀(jì)70年代以前,國(guó)際社會(huì)包括菲律賓等南海沿岸國(guó)家從未就中國(guó)對(duì)南海諸島的主權(quán)提出過(guò)質(zhì)疑。當(dāng)時(shí)有關(guān)國(guó)家還以外交照會(huì)、出版地圖、國(guó)際會(huì)議等方式公開承認(rèn)中國(guó)對(duì)南海諸島的主權(quán)。但上世紀(jì)70年代時(shí),出現(xiàn)南海蘊(yùn)藏油氣資源的報(bào)道后,形勢(shì)開始出現(xiàn)重大變化。菲律賓等國(guó)紛紛蠶食、侵占中國(guó)南海島礁中的南沙群島。
First, China is actually the victim with regards to the South China Sea issue. The Chinese people were the first to discover, name and develop the South China Sea Islands. Successive Chinese governments have exercised continuous jurisdiction over the islands by means of administrative control, military patrol, production and business operations and maritime disaster relief.In 1939, Japan invaded and illegally occupied the islands. After World War II, in accordance with the Cairo Declaration and the Potsdam Proclamation, China lawfully recovered the islands and resumed exercise of sovereignty through such measures as compiling their official names, publishing maps, setting up administrative units and stationing troops.Before the 1970s, it was widely recognized by the international community that the South China Sea islands belong to China. No country, the Philippines included, ever challenged that. Many Diplomatic Notes, published maps, international conferences of that time recognized China’s sovereignty over the South China Sea Islands.Things changed in the 1970s when there were reports about oil under the South China Sea. The Philippines and some other countries scrambled to occupy China’s Nansha islands and reefs in the South China Sea.

其次,菲律賓法定領(lǐng)土范圍不包括南海諸島。菲律賓法定領(lǐng)土范圍系由1898年《巴黎條約》、1900年《華盛頓條約》和1930年《英美條約》共同確定。自那時(shí)起,菲律賓領(lǐng)土西部界限即為東經(jīng)118度線。菲獨(dú)立后,其1935年《憲法》、1946年《美菲一般關(guān)系條約》和1961年《關(guān)于領(lǐng)?;€的第3046號(hào)法令》等也一再確認(rèn)前述條約的法律效力。南海諸島在東經(jīng)118度線以西,自然不在菲法定領(lǐng)土范圍內(nèi)。
Second, the fact that the islands are not the Philippines’ territory is well proven in their own laws. The scope of the Philippines’ territory is defined by the 1898 Treaty of Paris, the 1900 Treaty of Washington and the 1930 Convention between the US and UK. These treaties clearly define that 118 degrees east longitude is the western limit of Philippine territory. The 1935 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines, the 1946 Treaty of General Relations between the United States of America and the Republic of the Philippines, the 1952 U.S.-Philippines Mutual Defense Treaty, the 1961 Republic Act No.3046, just to name a few, reaffirmed the legal effects of the above-mentioned three treaties again and again. The South China Sea islands and reefs are all located west of that line.

第三,菲律賓強(qiáng)推仲裁違背了其既有承諾。本世紀(jì)初,菲律賓曾與中國(guó)就如何解決南海爭(zhēng)端達(dá)成過(guò)一致。雙方曾在2002年《南海各方行為宣言》和2011年《中菲聯(lián)合聲明》中作出過(guò)共同承諾:通過(guò)雙邊友好談判和磋商解決南海爭(zhēng)端。但事與愿違的是,菲律賓2013年單方面強(qiáng)推南海仲裁案已使其先前承諾變?yōu)閺氐椎闹e言。
Third, the Philippines’ suing China also clearly violates their own commitments on resolving South China Sea disputes. In the early 2000’s, China agreed with the Philippines on how to resolve relevant disputes. Both China and the Philippines are signing parties of the 2002 Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea (DOC), the joint statement in 2011, etc., which all stress to resolve disputes through bilateral negotiation. However, in 2013, the Philippines unilaterally initiated arbitration.

也許有人不禁要問(wèn),既然中國(guó)如此理直氣壯,那為何不接受也不參與國(guó)際仲裁呢?我想原因正如猶太經(jīng)典《塔木德》里所說(shuō)——“要時(shí)刻與錯(cuò)誤保持距離”。南海仲裁案本身就是個(gè)錯(cuò)誤。它是錯(cuò)誤的,因?yàn)橹蟹颇虾?zhēng)議的核心是領(lǐng)土和海洋劃界問(wèn)題,并不屬于《聯(lián)合國(guó)海洋法公約》的調(diào)整范圍。它是錯(cuò)誤的,因?yàn)橹蟹揭延?006年根據(jù)《公約》第298條作出聲明,將涉及領(lǐng)土爭(zhēng)端、海洋劃界等問(wèn)題排除適用強(qiáng)制爭(zhēng)端解決程序。包括英國(guó)、法國(guó)在內(nèi)的全球30多個(gè)國(guó)家也已作出類似排除性聲明。它是錯(cuò)誤的,因?yàn)橛嘘P(guān)領(lǐng)土爭(zhēng)端的國(guó)際仲裁極易成為國(guó)際法實(shí)踐領(lǐng)域的不良示范,長(zhǎng)遠(yuǎn)看無(wú)益于任何一方。
With that in mind, people may still wonder, if China is so justified, why China does not accept or participate in the arbitration. The Torah teaches “Distance yourself from that which is false.” The arbitration is totally a false issue.It is false because that the Philippines’ requests are, in essence, about territorial sovereignty and maritime delimitation, which are not subject to UNCLOS. It is false because that as early as in 2006 China made a clear declaration in accordance with UNCLOS to exclude compulsory arbitration on sovereign disputes and maritime delimitation. More than 30 other countries, including the UK, France, Australia, have made similar declarations. It is false because the very farce of the arbitration itself, if unchecked, will set a false precedent in the practice of international law, which will serve no one’s interest in the long run.

事實(shí)上,中國(guó)政府多年來(lái)始終堅(jiān)持通過(guò)談判協(xié)商和平解決南海問(wèn)題,也始終致力于制定規(guī)則、建立機(jī)制有效管控現(xiàn)實(shí)爭(zhēng)議。菲律賓是中國(guó)撇不開的鄰居,中國(guó)也愿意繼續(xù)向菲律賓敞開對(duì)話協(xié)商的大門。但無(wú)論如何,南海仲裁案的結(jié)果都是無(wú)效的,對(duì)中國(guó)也不具任何約束力。我們不禁想問(wèn)菲方:與其引入域外勢(shì)力加劇對(duì)立沖突,為何不讓事實(shí)作出仲裁呢?
Having said the above, I’d still like to make it clear that China is committed to resolving the disputes in a peaceful manner through negotiations and consultations, and to managing the disputes by establishing rules and mechanisms. The Philippines are our unmovable neighbors. The door for negotiation and consultation is always open. But the UNCLOS arbitration, no matter what the outcome could be, will be invalid and will have no binding force upon China. Instead of ushering in external forces, why not let the facts arbitrate?