【TED】是一個(gè)會(huì)議的名稱(chēng),它是英文technology, entertainment, design三個(gè)單詞的首字母縮寫(xiě)。TED是社會(huì)各界精英交流的盛會(huì),它鼓勵(lì)各種創(chuàng)新思想的展示、碰撞。
Martin Jacques
Martin Jacques is the author of "When China Rules the World," and a columnist for the Guardian and New Statesman. He was a co-founder of the think tank Demos.
三個(gè)基礎(chǔ)理解中國(guó):文明國(guó)邦,而非民族國(guó)家;漢民族為主體;家長(zhǎng)式的政府管理
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Hints:
West
Western state
Europe
North
America
aristocracy
significance
Or let me give you my third building block, the Chinese state. Now the relationship between the state and society in China is very different from that in the West. Now we in the West overwhelmingly seem to think -- in these days at least -- that the authority and legitimacy of the state is a function of democracy. The problem with this proposition is that the Chinese state enjoys more legitimacy and more authority amongst the Chinese than is true with any Western state. And the reason for this is because -- well, there are two reasons, I think. And it's obviously got nothing to do with democracy, because in our terms the Chinese certainly don't have a democracy. And the reason for this is, firstly, because the state in China is given a very special -- it enjoys a very special significance as the representative, the embodiment and the guardian of Chinese civilization, of the civilization state. This is as close as China gets to a kind of spiritual role.
And the second reason is because, whereas in Europe and North America, the state's power is continuously challenged -- I mean in the European tradition, historically against the church, against other sectors of the aristocracy, against merchants and so on -- for 1,000 years, the power of the Chinese state has not been challenged. It's had no serious rivals. So you can see that the way in which power has been constructed in China is very different from our experience in Western history. The result, by the way, is that the Chinese have a very different view of the state. Whereas we tend to view it as an intruder, a stranger, certainly an organ whose powers need to be limited or defined and constrained, the Chinese don't see the state like that at all. The Chinese view the state as an intimate -- not just as an intimate actually, as a member of the family -- not just in fact as a member of the family, but as the head of the family, the patriarch of the family. This is the Chinese view of the state -- very, very different to ours. It's embedded in society in a different kind of way to what is the case in the West.
讓我給出第三個(gè)基礎(chǔ)理由, 中國(guó)式的國(guó)家。 現(xiàn)在在中國(guó) 國(guó)家和社會(huì)間的關(guān)系 非常不同于西方的那種關(guān)系。 在西方我們 絕大多數(shù)人似乎認(rèn)為--至少在最近 國(guó)家的權(quán)威和合法性 是民主的一個(gè)功能。 有關(guān)這問(wèn)題 是中國(guó)這個(gè)國(guó)家 對(duì)中國(guó)人民享有更多合法性 和更多權(quán)威性 這 比起 任何西方國(guó)家,它都是事實(shí)。 這個(gè)的原因 是因?yàn)?我認(rèn)為有兩個(gè)理由。 中國(guó)很明顯與民主無(wú)關(guān), 因?yàn)橐牢覀儊?lái)看,中國(guó)完全稱(chēng)不上是民主。 這個(gè)理由是, 首先,因?yàn)樵谥袊?guó),國(guó)家 是一個(gè)非常特別有所指的, 它享有一個(gè)非常特別的意義 作為中華文明的代表, 體現(xiàn) 和捍衛(wèi)者, 也是代表中國(guó)國(guó)家的代表,化身和捍衛(wèi)者。 這也接近中國(guó)有種 精神象征的作用。
第二個(gè)理由是因?yàn)椋?反之在歐洲, 北美洲, 國(guó)家的權(quán)力不斷受到挑戰(zhàn)。 我指在歐洲歷史傳統(tǒng), 歷史上反對(duì)教堂, 反對(duì)其它各種貴族階級(jí), 反對(duì)商人等等 有1000年歷史, 中國(guó)國(guó)家的權(quán)力 從來(lái)沒(méi)被挑戰(zhàn)過(guò)。 它沒(méi)有真正的對(duì)手可抗衡。 所以大家可以看到 在中國(guó)已經(jīng)建立的權(quán)力的方式 與我們西方歷史的經(jīng)驗(yàn) 非常不同。 順便提一下,結(jié)果 是中國(guó)人看待國(guó)家有非常不同的視角。 鑒于我們傾向于把國(guó)家看作是一個(gè)入侵者, 一個(gè)陌生人, 當(dāng)然是一個(gè)組織 它的權(quán)力需要被限制 或被界定和約束, 中國(guó)人可一點(diǎn)都不這樣看待國(guó)家。 中國(guó)人視國(guó)家 作為一個(gè)親密的朋友,也不止是作為一個(gè)密友, 作為家庭里的一員, 事實(shí)上也不止是家里一員, 而是一家之長(zhǎng), 家庭里的家長(zhǎng)。 這是從中國(guó)視角來(lái)看待國(guó)家, 和我們的截然不同。 根植于中國(guó)社會(huì)的案例 與我們?cè)谖鞣降纳鐣?huì)例證 是完全不同的。